New plantations are changing composition of forests and also provide habitat for invasive species like Lantana. Gaddis are often kept out of consultation process on afforestation
“Last year, in one of our winter pastures, 180 of the 250 goats and sheep of our flock became ill from grazing on a foreign species and died at once. We were not able to identify the species. At the time, we had become completely helpless and did not know what to do further.”
“We have noticed that grasses such as garna (Carissa diffusa), Basoti (Adhatoda vasica), and plants such as Peepal (Ficus religiosa), Kangu (Flacourtia indica) are now almost absent in winter pastures. Garna is a favorite among goats and used to constitute an important part of their diet.”
“Earlier, goats and sheep used to graze on malkits (private agricultural lands) during summer season. With the cultivation of horticultural crops, the farmers are now wary about damage to their crop from a grazing herd. We now have to keep our goats and sheep away from agricultural land or pay farmers in exchange for receiving fodder.”
All these experiences of herders in Himalayas illustrate how tree plantations by the forest departments are altering the natural native ecosystems while shift towards commercial farming has eroded link between farm land and animals. Add disruptions caused by fencing and developmental projects and the vulnerability of these pastoralists become so palpable and immediate.
While forest department has now shifted towards joint forest management, pastoralists, even though highly dependent on forests, have been left out of consultations or had token representation.
Pastoralism is also getting influenced by a broad array of other drivers that pull them away from herding and toward other livelihoods that are either less difficult, more culturally appropriate in a changing society, or more remunerative. Some of these broader drivers are human land use change, land fragmentation, and impacts of climate crisis, found a study involving Gaddi herders of Kangra district in Himachal Pradesh by the Centre for Ecology, Development and Research (CEDAR), Kangra Integrated Sciences and Adaptation Network and University of Minnesota.
Gaddi ecosystems are a mix of land uses. Based out of villages located at middle elevations, they use migratory paths to access the high altitudinal pastures in summers, dry landscapes in monsoons, and back to their home villages in winters. Everyday challenges include theft of animals, lightning strikes, landslides, rapidly changing glacial conditions, and wildlife attacks, especially from black bears.
Like pastoralists worldwide, Gaddis are increasingly shifting away from pastoral livelihoods. They are settling in villages near winter pastures and gaining alternate employment as labourers, soldiers, teachers, and traders. They are also capitalising on government policies that promote sedentarisation such as subsidies for stall-fed jersey cows. Of the 23 Gaddi households studied, seven had transitioned to non-pastoral livelihoods including employment in government and private jobs, with the army, or as labourers.
More trees, less consultation
Although systematic reforestation and afforestation efforts have a long history, they got new impetus recently by the widespread belief that trees are low cost means toward mitigating climate crisis. However, there is increasing global concern that some afforestation programs adversely affect the provision of ecosystem services, including some that rural populations depend on for their livelihoods.
India has been a global leader in implementing afforestation programmes. Between 1950 and 2005, 10 percent of India’s land area was brought under afforestation, said data from central government. Data obtained from the Himachal Pradesh Forest Department also indicated a similarly widespread distribution of plantations along the migratory routes of the Gaddis.
Up until the 1990s, much plantation activity focused on replacing palatable broad-leaved tree species and pastures with unpalatable native conifers like Chir pines, which produce superior timber and resin. More recent plantation programmes in the area have put greater emphasis on native broad-leaved species, which are also generally unpalatable, while still ignoring understory shrubs and herbs and native meadows.
Beginning in the 1990s, the forest department shifted away from commercial production toward a greater emphasis on joint-forest management, which resulted in a shift toward an array of broad-leaved (but still not palatable) species being planted, especially in lower altitudes. However, Gaddis were largely left out of many joint forest management schemes mainly because of their migratory practice and were consulted in a “token fashion” for compensatory afforestation for hydroelectric projects in high altitudes.
Gaddis were “never consulted” prior to plantation activity either along migratory routes or settlements in winter pastures for choice of species, closures, planning for alternate grazing areas, and sanctions for rule breaking. Instead, forest department and local forest institutions blamed them for forest degradation.
Beginning in 1990s, forest department shifted away from commercial production toward a greater emphasis on joint-forest management but Gaddis were largely left out of many joint forest management schemes mainly because of their migratory practice and were consulted in a “token fashion” for compensatory afforestation for hydroelectric projects in high altitudes
The trend toward more inclusive forestry, while ironically excluding communities that are most dependent on forest land, presents challenges for both the department and Gaddis. Although the forest department restricts prime grazing areas by plantations to keep Gaddis away, Gaddis resort to diverse strategies to graze on or around new plantations, both with the immediate aim of obtaining fodder and the long-term aim of halting the plantations.
Fencing and Invasions
Plantation drives are also changing landscape. Of the 64 plantations studied, 36 had no trees prior to planting and were used exclusively as pastures.
Plantations also provide habitats for invasive shrubs that decrease livestock health and growth. Invasive unpalatable shrubs such as Lantana camerata are widely associated with plantation areas. Lantana was introduced into Asia and other parts of the world as an ornamental plant, and has become one of the most aggressive weeds in the world. Invasives have also forced Gaddis to shift toward rearing more goats than sheep, since they can “trample over” Lantana and sheep wool gets tangled more easily in its bushes leading to decreased incomes.
Plantations also provide habitats for invasive shrubs that decrease livestock health and growth. Invasives have forced Gaddis to shift toward rearing more goats than sheep, since they can “trample over” Lantana and sheep wool gets tangled more easily in its bushes leading to decreased incomes
Fencing has been used as an afforestation practice in India to increase survivorship of planted tree saplings in new plantations. Fodder thriving within fenced plantation areas becomes available between removal of fences and canopy closure, and is mostly harvested by hand.
Records of plantations show that closures in the Dhauladhar project lasted up to 15 years, while in recent afforestation projects, closures are no more than five years. The attitudes of individual herders toward fencing varies, with some intentionally trying to obstruct plantations, and others favouring them, although aware that their goats may graze them by mistake.
Permits and Altered Migration Routes
Typically, every herder has a permit for an individual pasture land and several jungles issued by the forest department, which provides access to several types of land for grazing throughout the migratory route. Individual permit allows for cutting of branches of 2.5 cm, harvesting of 120 kg fuelwood per day, and staying in other Gaddi’s permit forest for one night. Coupled with restrictions corresponding to plantation areas, the access to grazing lands becomes fraught with uncertainties.
Furthermore, migratory routes are now increasingly disrupted by growing towns and peri-urban developments, hydroelectric projects, widening and metering of roads, and intensified traffic due to tourism. For example, in one important migratory passage between Donali and Bharmour, plantations on either side of the road left “no space for herds, forcing movement throughout the night to decrease clashes with traffic.” Gaddis have responded to changing conditions by altering their migratory routes.
In one important migratory passage between Donali and Bharmour, plantations on either side of the road left “no space for herds, forcing movement throughout the night to decrease clashes with traffic
Gaddis also take advantage of highly uneven enforcement of permit regulations, often relying on outdated permits, illegally selling permits to other herders, traveling in family groups that are larger than those permitted, or halting in temporary grazing sites for longer than allowed. Although the forest department is aware of these practices, Gaddis also have accumulated significant political power, and are thus able to evade enforcement even when their activities clearly flout the law.
Inaccessible Forests, Pressure on Grazing Land
Lower elevation pastures, where most plantation activity is occurring, are also where the forest department enforces rules more actively, making these areas particularly difficult to access. Because of this, Gaddis have continued to purchase land and settle in lower Kangra in order to access village commons and/or resort to illegal grazing in protected forests. This puts strain on a limited area, increasing the chances of overgrazing.
The increased dependence on village commons and private land however pose other challenges including plantation activity and increased competition from local livestock owners, requiring negotiating with panchayats and forest committees.
Access relationships on private lands are situated within a broader shift from agro- pastoralism toward horticulture, which has decreased fodder from post harvest wheat, maize, and rice. Although farmers once welcomed pastoral herders to their fallow grain fields to eat stubble and fertilize the fields with manure, farmers now grow crops that leave little stubble, are not compatible with post harvest grazing, and rely on chemical fertilizer rather than manure.
What was earlier a privileged exchange in favour of Gaddi herds, where farmers competed for manure from passing herds, progressively changed from social exchange of manure for fodder to Gaddis pursuing market exchange by purchasing fodder from cultivators.
Although farmers once welcomed pastoral herders to their fallow grain fields to eat stubble and fertilize the fields with manure, farmers now grow crops that leave little stubble, are not compatible with post harvest grazing, and rely on chemical fertilizer rather than manure
Other challenges specific to Gaddi pastoralism, like organised theft, further increase the vulnerability of their livelihoods. Attacks on Gaddis by armed criminals have endangered Gaddi individuals and their shepherd dogs. Criminals use chemical sprays to immobilise dogs, along with heavy transport vehicles and weapons to steal large number of animals.
The decline of pastoral livelihoods has also put a variety of associated livelihoods, such as meat traders, laborers, butchers, and wool traders, at risk. Some of these associated livelihoods are severely threatened by other broader drivers as well.
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